|
The United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia have long been close allies.〔(UK Saudi relations )〕 The origins of these relations date back to the time of the First World War, when Ibn Saud signed the 1915 Treaty of Darin with the British government, thereby accepting the status of a British protectorate. On 20 May 1927, the British government and the Kingdom of Nejd concluded the Treaty of Jeddah, a further agreement.〔Text in ''League of Nations Treaty Series'', vol. 71, pp. 133-164.〕 The United Kingdom was among the first states that recognised the country in 1926 and had a diplomatic delegation in the country.〔 Saudi Arabia opened its embassy in London in 1930, which was the country's second official foreign affairs body in abroad and led by Hafiz Wahbah. There are more than 200 joint ventures between British and Saudi Companies, worth $17.5 billion, and some 30,000 British nationals are living and working in Saudi Arabia. Saudi Arabia is the United Kingdom's primary trading partner in the Middle East.〔(Royal Embassy of Saudi Arabia London )〕 The UK has an embassy in Riyadh, consulate in Jeddah and trade office in Al Khobar.〔(About us )〕 The current British ambassador to Saudi Arabia is Sir John Jenkins. Saudi Arabia has an embassy and consulate in London.〔(Royal Embassy of Saudi Arabia London )〕Mohammed bin Nawwaf bin Abdulaziz has been the Saudi ambassador to the UK since 2005. He is a member of the House of Saud. In 2005 the United Kingdom and Saudi Arabia agreed a military agreement, where the UK would equip Saudi Arabia with Eurofighter Typhoons.〔(Eurofighter Typhoon - Eurofighter Typhoon for Saudi Arabia - Press Release MoD )〕 As a result of the deal a spokesman stated:
In 2006 the Saudis threatened to end co-operation with the UK unless the serious fraud office dropped its investigation into BAE Systems over the al-Yamamah arms deal. The investigation was shelved on national security grounds.〔()〕 In 2013, a UK parliamentary committee report was published, examining the UK's relationship with Saudi Arabia. The Saudi ambassador to the UK warned of negative consequences for bilateral relations when the parliamentary enquiry was announced in 2012. At the time of publishing, Saudi Arabia was Britain's biggest market in the Middle East and had an estimated £62bn invested in the UK. The UK had granted export licences for almost £4bn worth of defence equipment over the previous five years. MPs on the foreign affairs committee also asked the government to "assess" the supply of weapons by Saudi Arabia to Syrian rebels seeking to overthrow President Bashar al-Assad. But the report found no "conclusive proof" that it has been used for internal repression, and said there would be "significant costs for the UK-Saudi relationship" by ending sales. MPs described Saudi Arabia as "part of the problem as well as part of the solution" in counter-terrorism co-operation. The government was urged to try to "improve the monitoring of the funding flowing from Saudi Arabia to organisations with an extremist message" and to ensure that its "legitimate promotion of religious values does not inadvertently contribute to the furtherance of extremism." It was also asked to give an "assessment of the situation and the actions it is taking to monitor Syrian rebel groups that are receiving funding and arms from Saudi Arabia, and its efforts to engage with the Saudi authorities regarding any concerns about them." The foreign affairs committee report noted: "Democratic governments such as the UK face a challenge in trying to reconcile their liberal constituencies at home with the need to maintain relationships with undemocratic and conservative regimes that are important to their interests on a regional and global level.' Another section asserted: 'We understand that to encourage a government such as that of Saudi Arabia towards reform, a combination of private and public pressure is required. By their very nature, private conversations are difficult to explain publicly. However, we are particularly concerned that some witnesses not only disagreed with UK policy but appeared to disbelieve the government's account of its private conversations with Saudi Arabia on reform. The government appears to have a credibility problem and must do more to explain its policies and consider where it can point to specific progress as a result of its human rights work." Richard Ottaway, the foreign affairs committee chairman, said: "The government is correct to focus on what is constructive and achievable by working with the leadership in both states, but it cannot simply ignore the charges of hypocrisy and criticism levelled against the UK. The Foreign and Commonwealth Office must find new ways to explain the UK's approach, to highlight its successes, and to present a more coherent strategy of engagement with these important allies." A spokesperson for The Campaign Against the Arms Trade (CAAT) said:"Unfortunately it looks as though arms company and establishment interests reached into the heart of this inquiry. The foreign affairs committee is giving cover to the UK government as it continues the policy of pandering to despicable regimes in its desire to drum up sales for (firm ) BAE Systems.' Ann Feltham from CAAT added "The problem is not that the UK government is failing to explain its approach to Saudi Arabia to the UK public; it is the approach itself that is the problem. The government needs to put human rights at the heart of its policy towards Saudi Arabia and Bahrain, not the interests of the arms companies. Otherwise it is a betrayal of those protesters who seek human rights and democratic freedoms.〔()〕 In February 2014, British defence firm BAE agreed a deal to supply the Saudis with 72 Typhoon fighter jets, worth £4.4billion (just over $7billion). 〔()〕 British author Nicholas Gilby, in his book Deception In High Places (Pluto), claims that various Saudi princes received tens of millions of pounds in so-called 'commissions' as a reward for granting arms contracts to British firms. Between 1989 and 2002, according to Gilby, the Saudis received over £60million in gifts and cash from BAE. 〔()〕 In January 2015, Prince Charles travelled to the Saudi capital Riyadh, as did a number of world leaders including Prime Minister David Cameron, to pay his respects following the death of the nation’s King Abdullah. The decision following the King’s death to fly flags at half-mast on key public buildings in London drew sharp criticism from some prominent politicians who highlighted claims of Saudi Arabia’s abuses of free speech, women’s rights and the country’s role as a cradle of Islamist extremism. 〔()〕 In February 2015, Prince Charles visited Saudi Arabia, at the request of the British Government because of his close ties to the Saudi royal family, and he was accompanied by senior Foreign Office officials. The British Government, who had already raised Mr Badawi's case, were demanding the Prince raise human rights issues, including the flogging of Raif Badawi, 31, who criticised the religious establishment online. A source said Badawi's case was raised by the Prince during his meeting with senior royals, including King Salman, and that he received a "friendly response". 〔()〕 ==See also== * Foreign relations of Saudi Arabia * Foreign relations of the United Kingdom * Operation Granby * List of Ambassadors of the United Kingdom to Saudi Arabia 抄文引用元・出典: フリー百科事典『 ウィキペディア（Wikipedia）』 ■ウィキペディアで「Saudi Arabia–United Kingdom relations」の詳細全文を読む スポンサード リンク
|